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Originally Posted By thenoobyorker

Since Tumblr’s all about GIFs, here’s the best ancient Greek philosophy GIF you’re going to find, via Luis:

Aristotle and Plato in GIF form.

Since Tumblr’s all about GIFs, here’s the best ancient Greek philosophy GIF you’re going to find, via Luis:

Aristotle and Plato in GIF form.

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The Big News!

I’ve just learned that my second book, which is on the topic of heroism, has been accepted for publication! Like my first book, it will be part of the excellent Routledge Innovations in Political Theory series.

Here’s a brief description of the book:

The idea of heroism has become thoroughly muddled today. I turn to classical conceptions of the hero in order to explain the confusion and highlight the ways in which different heroic categories can be useful at different times. I make an argument for three distinct categories of heroism that can be traced back to the earliest Western literature – the epic poetry of Homer and the dialogues of Plato – and that are complex enough to resonate with us and assist us in thinking about heroism today. In contemporary society, any behavior that seems distinctly difficult or unusually impressive is classified as heroic: everyone from firefighters to foster fathers and from quadriplegics to freedom fighters are our heroes. But what motivates these people to act heroically and what prevents other people from being heroes? And, in our culture today, what makes one sort of hero appear more heroic than another sort? In order to answer these questions, we must untangle one kind of heroic behavior from another, examine the motivations of particular heroes, compare very different heroic behaviors, and finally make clear how and why it is that the other-regarding hero, Socrates, supplanted the battlefield hero, Achilles, and the suffering hero, Odysseus.

You’ll be able to purchase your very own copy some time in the Fall; rest assured you’ll hear more about the book as we get closer to its publication. I might even run some sort of giveaway here at the blog so a devoted reader or two can score an autographed copy.

In the meantime, of course, you can grab a copy of my first book, on the philosophical origins of the idea of human rights … now available for the Kindle.

As for me, I’m going to go celebrate!

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Originally Posted By stickyembraces

Witness the potentially life-saving power of political philosophy:

I am rereading Rawls’ A Theory of Justice, which is always a pleasure. I suppose it was never released on Vulcan.

(Source: stickyembraces, via maxistentialist)

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Just sayin’.
My son’s been on board with this idea ever since he could sit up:

“Ich sage euch: man muß noch Chaos in sich haben, um einen tanzenden Stern gebären zu können.” — Thus Spake Zarathustra (Prologue 5).

Just sayin’.

My son’s been on board with this idea ever since he could sit up:

“Ich sage euch: man muß noch Chaos in sich haben, um einen tanzenden Stern gebären zu können.” — Thus Spake Zarathustra (Prologue 5).

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Nietzsche and the Undergrads

I’m always fascinated when undergraduate students read Nietzsche’s Beyond Good and Evil in my class and don’t get excited by it. Who doesn’t think of herself as a potential creative genius at age 20?

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Originally Posted By think-progress

NYC fast food workers go on strike to demand a $15 wage on the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King’s assassination.

I taught the Communist Manifesto in my “Liberalism and its Critics” class this morning.

If I continue to channel Marx now that I’ve left the classroom, I suppose what I say is the real problem is that anyone thinks a $15 wage somehow fixes any of these workers’ problems (or ours, more broadly).

Does $15/hour mean that these workers are now less alienated from their labor or that they’re now more likely to transcend the subsistence level existence they’re eking out in NYC?

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The solution to the mystery of Žižek’s popularity, then, lies in his unabashed absurdity. Unlike most professional intellectuals, Žižek isn’t afraid to make no sense. On the contrary, the 63-year-old theorist embraces his inanity, routinely making statements so ridiculous that it’s hard to tell if he actually believes them.
He’s denounced ecology as the opiate of the masses, argued that various sorts of toilets insidiously re-enforce capitalist norms (“but as soon as you flush the toilet, you’re right in the middle of ideology!”), and identified “nature in decay, like rotten trees” as his favorite smell. A professed Marxist, Žižek authored the text of a 2003 Abercrombie & Fitch catalog, which ends with the profound words, “Sh—, why not have a cake and eat it too? You can have critical theory and nudity and enjoy it!”
[…]
In a discipline that takes itself unforgivably seriously, Žižek is a much-needed breath of self-deprecation. If ever we lose ourselves in our philosophical musings, Žižek is there to show us the way out of the academy once again — to provide us with a much-needed reminder that we are above all absurd.

Implicit in this piece, appropriately titled ”Why we slober over Slavoj Žižek: Or, how to be incomprehensible and relevant at the same time,” is the idea that people enjoy Žižek because he makes them feel better about not knowing things.
In other words, because the world of academic philosophy takes itself so seriously and seems so introspective, it’s good to have Žižek around to make us laugh at philosophy and introspection. Whenever we get worried that we don’t “get it,” he stumbles in and suggests that there’s nothing really there to “get.”
HT: Zack Beauchamp.

The solution to the mystery of Žižek’s popularity, then, lies in his unabashed absurdity. Unlike most professional intellectuals, Žižek isn’t afraid to make no sense. On the contrary, the 63-year-old theorist embraces his inanity, routinely making statements so ridiculous that it’s hard to tell if he actually believes them.

He’s denounced ecology as the opiate of the masses, argued that various sorts of toilets insidiously re-enforce capitalist norms (“but as soon as you flush the toilet, you’re right in the middle of ideology!”), and identified “nature in decay, like rotten trees” as his favorite smell. A professed Marxist, Žižek authored the text of a 2003 Abercrombie & Fitch catalog, which ends with the profound words, “Sh—, why not have a cake and eat it too? You can have critical theory and nudity and enjoy it!”

[…]

In a discipline that takes itself unforgivably seriously, Žižek is a much-needed breath of self-deprecation. If ever we lose ourselves in our philosophical musings, Žižek is there to show us the way out of the academy once again — to provide us with a much-needed reminder that we are above all absurd.

Implicit in this piece, appropriately titled ”Why we slober over Slavoj Žižek: Or, how to be incomprehensible and relevant at the same time,” is the idea that people enjoy Žižek because he makes them feel better about not knowing things.

In other words, because the world of academic philosophy takes itself so seriously and seems so introspective, it’s good to have Žižek around to make us laugh at philosophy and introspection. Whenever we get worried that we don’t “get it,” he stumbles in and suggests that there’s nothing really there to “get.”

HT: Zack Beauchamp.

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The problem with Peter Singer’s account is not only that a lot of people would consider it to be monstrous but also that it’s based on what I take to be an unsupportable distinction.
At what point, one might justifiably wonder, does a fetus gain a right to life: conception, viability, birth, or some other time? Famously, Peter Singer has argued “that since no fetus is a person no fetus has the same claim to life as a person” (Writings on an Ethical Life, 160). On this point, he and I are in agreement: fetuses are not self-conscious, cannot engage in self-creation, and are not bearers of dignity.
But Singer goes much farther: “Now it must be admitted that these arguments apply to the newborn baby as much as to the fetus. A week-old baby is not a rational and self-conscious being, and there are many nonhuman animals whose rationality, self-consciousness, awareness, capacity to feel, and so on, exceed that of a human baby a week or a month old. If the fetus does not have the same claim to life as a person, it appears that the newborn baby does not either” (Ibid.). The reason, on my reading, that Singer goes too far with his suggestion about the permissibility of infanticide is that he puts too much weight on the psychological aspect of the human mind and not enough on the biological.
It might well be the case that we who are persons do not have strong psychological connections to the infants we were, but – as yet – we aren’t certain. We know, however, that healthy infants’ brains display organized cortical brain activity (OCBA) and, David Boonin argues, we can measure both the beginning and ending of this “electrical activity in the cerebral cortex of the sort that produces recognizable EEG readings” (A Defense of Abortion, 115).Given that, Boonin’s argument for using OCBA as the standard by which to judge whether a fetus is a person makes a good deal of sense. If OCBA is not present, we would be hard pressed to make a case for the self-creative feature of the human mind about which I’ve already said so much. For the cerebral cortex must be working in a organized manner before anyone can claim that the brain has created the sense of self that is the key feature of personhood.
If we are drawing lines – and with questions of birth and death it often appears that we must – then the line should be drawn at the earliest stage possible. With regard to self-consciousness and dignity, it seems to me that Boonin’s line allows much less room for error than Singer’s. Although it might very well be the case that selfhood (as we understand it) begins in infancy – and with it, dignity and personhood – Boonin suggests that we draw the line at the 25th week of pregnancy; the reason is that there is “ample evidence to suggest that [OCBA begins] to occur sometime between the 25th and 32nd week” (Ibid.).
We might push the line back a bit, however, and adopt an even more conservative estimate about OCBA by drawing the line at 20 weeks; as Boonin concedes, “Burgess and Tawia identify 20 weeks of gestation as ‘the most conservative location we could plausibly advocate’ as the beginning of what they call ‘cortical birth,’ because it is at this point that ‘the first “puddle” of cortical electrical activity’ of an ‘extremely rudimentary nature’ begins to appear in brief spurts” (128). Adopting this position – rather than Singer’s – would be to argue for a fetal right to life at the 20th week of pregnancy (the earliest time at which it is possible for OCBA to occur) and, of course, to prohibit things like infanticide.
This is, of course, a somewhat radical position, as it suggests that the ruling in Roe v. Wade – already controversial enough – needs to be reconsidered in favor of limiting some abortions. While many would argue that redrawing this line is wildly problematic, those who would most feel the effect of doing so are those who suggest that fetuses are persons with rights from the moment of conception, for Boonin notes that “even if we push back the gray area from 25 weeks to 20 weeks, it will still turn out that 99 percent of abortions take place before the fetus acquires a right to life” (Ibid.).[1] In the end, tying the permissibility of abortion to the absence of organized cortical brain activity seems to have a limited effect on public policy and squares a difficult issue with the nonreligious understanding of personhood I advance in my book.


[1] This does, however, affect that notion – drawn from the ruling in Planned Parenthood of Pennsylvania v. Casey – that viability is an important moment to consider in the life of a fetus. As William Cooney suggests – in “The Fallacy of All Person-Denying Arguments for Abortion,” 8 Journal of Applied Philosophy 2 (1991) – it is not: “Does a 5-month-old fetus then become a person when that stage of technology exists? Can personhood be a condition relative to and dependent on technology?” (161). If technology were to allow for earlier viability, this would not change the facts about personhood because a viable pre-OCBA fetus lacks a sense of self and, consequently, dignity and rights.

The problem with Peter Singer’s account is not only that a lot of people would consider it to be monstrous but also that it’s based on what I take to be an unsupportable distinction.

At what point, one might justifiably wonder, does a fetus gain a right to life: conception, viability, birth, or some other time? Famously, Peter Singer has argued “that since no fetus is a person no fetus has the same claim to life as a person” (Writings on an Ethical Life, 160). On this point, he and I are in agreement: fetuses are not self-conscious, cannot engage in self-creation, and are not bearers of dignity.

But Singer goes much farther: “Now it must be admitted that these arguments apply to the newborn baby as much as to the fetus. A week-old baby is not a rational and self-conscious being, and there are many nonhuman animals whose rationality, self-consciousness, awareness, capacity to feel, and so on, exceed that of a human baby a week or a month old. If the fetus does not have the same claim to life as a person, it appears that the newborn baby does not either” (Ibid.). The reason, on my reading, that Singer goes too far with his suggestion about the permissibility of infanticide is that he puts too much weight on the psychological aspect of the human mind and not enough on the biological.

It might well be the case that we who are persons do not have strong psychological connections to the infants we were, but – as yet – we aren’t certain. We know, however, that healthy infants’ brains display organized cortical brain activity (OCBA) and, David Boonin argues, we can measure both the beginning and ending of this “electrical activity in the cerebral cortex of the sort that produces recognizable EEG readings” (A Defense of Abortion, 115).Given that, Boonin’s argument for using OCBA as the standard by which to judge whether a fetus is a person makes a good deal of sense. If OCBA is not present, we would be hard pressed to make a case for the self-creative feature of the human mind about which I’ve already said so much. For the cerebral cortex must be working in a organized manner before anyone can claim that the brain has created the sense of self that is the key feature of personhood.

If we are drawing lines – and with questions of birth and death it often appears that we must – then the line should be drawn at the earliest stage possible. With regard to self-consciousness and dignity, it seems to me that Boonin’s line allows much less room for error than Singer’s. Although it might very well be the case that selfhood (as we understand it) begins in infancy – and with it, dignity and personhood – Boonin suggests that we draw the line at the 25th week of pregnancy; the reason is that there is “ample evidence to suggest that [OCBA begins] to occur sometime between the 25th and 32nd week” (Ibid.).

We might push the line back a bit, however, and adopt an even more conservative estimate about OCBA by drawing the line at 20 weeks; as Boonin concedes, “Burgess and Tawia identify 20 weeks of gestation as ‘the most conservative location we could plausibly advocate’ as the beginning of what they call ‘cortical birth,’ because it is at this point that ‘the first “puddle” of cortical electrical activity’ of an ‘extremely rudimentary nature’ begins to appear in brief spurts” (128). Adopting this position – rather than Singer’s – would be to argue for a fetal right to life at the 20th week of pregnancy (the earliest time at which it is possible for OCBA to occur) and, of course, to prohibit things like infanticide.

This is, of course, a somewhat radical position, as it suggests that the ruling in Roe v. Wade – already controversial enough – needs to be reconsidered in favor of limiting some abortions. While many would argue that redrawing this line is wildly problematic, those who would most feel the effect of doing so are those who suggest that fetuses are persons with rights from the moment of conception, for Boonin notes that “even if we push back the gray area from 25 weeks to 20 weeks, it will still turn out that 99 percent of abortions take place before the fetus acquires a right to life” (Ibid.).[1] In the end, tying the permissibility of abortion to the absence of organized cortical brain activity seems to have a limited effect on public policy and squares a difficult issue with the nonreligious understanding of personhood I advance in my book.

[1] This does, however, affect that notion – drawn from the ruling in Planned Parenthood of Pennsylvania v. Casey – that viability is an important moment to consider in the life of a fetus. As William Cooney suggests – in “The Fallacy of All Person-Denying Arguments for Abortion,” 8 Journal of Applied Philosophy 2 (1991) – it is not: “Does a 5-month-old fetus then become a person when that stage of technology exists? Can personhood be a condition relative to and dependent on technology?” (161). If technology were to allow for earlier viability, this would not change the facts about personhood because a viable pre-OCBA fetus lacks a sense of self and, consequently, dignity and rights.

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Human Personhood and Human Dignity

Several thoughtful commenters have asked me to say more about human personhood and human dignity after yesterday’s post on Rand Paul’s argument against abortion on the grounds that human life begins at conception.

As I argued there, the fact that human life begins at conception doesn’t actually do any heavy lifting with regard to questions about human personhood or rights. Being a person means more than simply being alive. Think, for example, of the patient in the hospital whose cerebrum is fundamentally injured. The continued existence of the patient is not open to question: so long as she is breathing and her heart is pumping — functions that are regulated by the brainstem rather than the cererum — she is living.

At issue, though, is that the person who existed before the traumatic brain injury is now no longer in existence. All the things that made the patient who she was have left the body of the patient. These things are far more integral to our coneption of personhood — and of life itself — than the mere animal functioning of brainstem, heart, and lungs (which can be duplicated by machine). What cannot be duplicated or replaced is the sense of self, the “I” that I argue makes us persons and from which human dignity, the source of our human rights, is derived.

I don’t want to suggest that we achieve dignity through rational thought or action, i.e., that we earn our dignity in the way that Kant suggests; instead, my argument is that dignity arises from our higher brain function. In particular, dignity is a function of our self-consciousness, our ability to talk and think about ourselves.

The Greek δόξα, from which dignity is derived, is defined as “the opinion which others have of one, estimation, repute.”[1] While this ancient concept was thought to rely on the way we were perceived by others, I want to argue that of far greater importance is the opinion we have of ourselves and, in particular, the stories we tell about ourselves. My dignity is bound up with my answer to the most fundamental identity question, “Who am I? [which] will normally address what is most salient in one’s sense of self.”[2] This narrative identity, David DeGrazia notes, “involves our self-conceptions, our sense of what is most important to who we are.”[3] Bound up with my narrative identity is the sense that I can make something of myself; it is the ability to posit a future that I have a hand in shaping (which can be traced back at least as far as Nietzsche and has been updated by contemporary theorists like Ronald Dworkin and Richard Rorty). DeGrazia puts this especially cogently: “Much of what matters (to most of us, anyway) is our continuing existence as persons—beings with the capacity for complex forms of consciousness—with unfolding self-narratives and, if possible, success in self-creation.”[4]

Ultimately, then, I argue that personhood and dignity are bound up together, that one cannot be a human person without the ability — derived from organized cortical brain activity — to feel as though there is a “I” in the center of one’s brain, pulling levers and adjusting dials (even though we know that, in fact, this is simply an evolutionary strategy developed by our genes to make ours brains better, more clever ones). This “I” amounts to a feeling of selfhood that, finally, accounts for our having dignity and being persons. As I conclude in my book, “It is, in my estimation, the feature that separates human persons from human animals and, so far as we know, from all other animals.”

Though the patient with the traumatic brain injury and the person she was before the injury are the same biological animal, the person died when her cerebral cortex, the self-creating part of her brain, stopped functioning. The patient with the traumatic brain injury is no longer a rights-bearing person because the patient does not possess the equipment necessary for personhood and dignity. The same is obviously true of the blastocyst, insofar as it’s simply a ball of cells and has no brain whatsoever.

In the end, I think human life alone is not enough to provide us with rights, that a heartbeat — which can be accomplished entirely by machines — doesn’t require governmental action on my behalf. Indeed, in the cases at issue here, the idea of “my” in “my behalf” doesn’t really have any meaning, as without higher brain function, I cannot conceive of myself at all. That’s why I argue that our rights hinge not simply on our bodily functions but on our dignity. Certain fetuses, on my reading, cannot properly be understood to be bearers of dignity and are thus not the bearers of rights.

While I have no doubt that some people will want to suggest problems with this argument — and I look forward to hearing them! — I think it’s a much stronger position than the one put forward by people like Rand Paul, Paul Ryan, or my thoughtful commenters. First of all, it contains an explanation about why human persons have special rights that require governmental protection while other living animals do not. Secondly, it provides us with the measuring tool of higher brain function — which ensoulment clearly does not provide — for making decisions that would potentially infringe on the rights of women. And, finally, it keeps religious belief away from a heated public policy debate, ensuring that people who believe that blastocysts are the beloved children of God are entitled to that belief but are not entitled to enforce it on anyone else.


[1] Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, revised and augmented by Sir Henry Stuart Jones with the assistance of Roderick McKenzie (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), 444.

[2] David DeGrazia, “Identity, Killing, and the Boundaries of Our Existence,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 31(4) (Fall 2003), 423.

[3] Ibid., 424.

[4] Ibid.

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Originally Posted By immolator

“You have this man, Triple H, who says ‘it is time to play the game’. But this is no game, my God, this is pure ideology.”

This is just one of many imagined pronouncements on the WWE from a fantastic blog post entitled slavoj zizek on wrestling.

The tone of the quotes is exactly right, which makes the whole thing hilarious. I would probably find the whole thing exponentially funnier if I knew half of the wrestling references. Sadly, though, I haven’t watched professional wrestling since long before the WWF became the WWE …

HT: Luis Villa.

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Rob Portman and Personal Identification

I’ve seen a lot of criticism of Senator Rob Portman over the past twenty-four hours, from both the Right and the Left.

The former I suppose I understand, even though I think the principled position behind it doesn’t resonate with me in any way and is a terrible, terrible mistake. The criticism from the Left, however, really needs some examination.

The suggestion behind this criticism is that Portman is just one more privileged white guy who only came around on the issue of same-sex marriage because it personally affected him. But of course he is.

Many people on the Left reacted cynically to Portman’s announcement because their position is that the people should embrace same-sex marriage because it’s morally right and because all human beings are fundamentally the same, not because individuals personally know and like someone who is gay and who therefore suffers from discrimination.

But that’s not really a critique of Portman or his change of heart on the question of same-sex marriage.

As Richard Rorty argues in Truth and Progress:

To get whites to be nicer to blacks, males to females, Serbs to Muslims, or straights to gays … it is of no use whatever to say, with Kant: notice that what you have in common, your humanity, is more important than these trivial differences. For the people we are trying to convince … are offended by the suggestion that they treat people whom they do not think of as human as if they were human (178).

This sounds pretty awful, to be sure. And that’s why it might feel good to criticize Portman’s announcement that his personal experience has led to a change of heart: He should have come to this realization sooner and without needing inequality to affect him personally.

As Rorty notes, “We resent the idea that we shall have to wait for the strong to turn their piggy little eyes to the suffering of the weak, slowly open their dried-up little hearts” (182). But this, Rorty tells us, is the best we can hope for and, he argues, might achieve its end more quickly than we anticipate: “These two centuries are most easily understood…as a period…in which there occurred an astonishingly rapid progress of sentiments” (185).

How has the progress of sentiments occurred and what can we do to extend its reach? On this, it will be helpful to quote Rorty at some length, from Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity:

The right way to take the slogan ‘We have obligations to human beings simply as such’ is as a means of reminding ourselves to keep trying to expand our sense of ‘us’ as far as we can. That slogan urges us to extrapolate further in the direction set by certain events in the past – the inclusion among ‘us’ of the family in the next cave, then of the tribe across the river, then of the tribal confederation beyond the mountains, then of the unbelievers beyond the seas (and, perhaps last of all, of the menials who, all this time, have been doing our dirty work). This is a process which we should try to keep going. We should stay on the lookout for marginalized people – people who we still instinctively think of as ‘they’ rather than ‘us.’ We should try to notice our similarities with them. The right way to construe the slogan is as urging us to create a more expansive sense of solidarity than we presently have (196).

The way to accomplish this progress of sentiments, this expanding of our sense of solidarity, is by telling “the sort of long, sad, sentimental story that begins, ‘Because this is what it is like to be in her situation – to be far from home, among strangers,’ or ‘Because she might become your daughter-in-law,’ or ‘Because her mother would grieve for her’” (Truth, 185). Telling these sorts of stories, he argues, is the most practical method for increasing our sense of solidarity with those we once considered ‘others.’

In other words, the best way to convince the powerful that their way of thinking about others needs to evolve is to show them the ways in which individuals they consider to be ‘Other’ are, in fact, much more closely akin to them than they ever realized. It is, in short, to create a greater solidarity between the powerful and the weak based on personal identification.

Rob Portman’s change of heart is a good example of the way in which we ultimately achieve a progress of sentiments that leads to the equal treatment of more and more people. Viewed in this way, it’s really not something people on the Left ought to be criticizing; it’s something we should be working to encourage for those without the sort of immediate personal connection that Portman fortunately had.

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