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Kevin Arnovitz covers the NBA for ESPN. We welcome him to the Hero Report podcast this week to discuss Jason Collins becoming the first openly gay male professional athlete in a major team sport and whether or not Collins’ decision to come out constitutes heroism. Kevin provides some insight into the culture of the NBA and we talk a bit about next steps for gay athletes.

Tell us what you think about this episode, discuss these issues with us on Twitter (Matt Langdon / Ari Kohen), and join us every week on Google+ for our live broadcast (where you can chat with us while we’re on the air and contribute to the conversation).

Want to make the podcast portable? Subscribe via iTunes (audio-only).

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I don’t think the dictionary really matters that much to CBS Sports commentator Tim Brando. At least not based on anything he wrote during a Twitter tirade today that lasted a few hours and, as I type this, is still going on.

Now, when I think about heroism, as I happen to do as the author of a book and co-host of a podcast on the topic, here’s the sort of thing I have in mind:

People act heroically when they make a potentially life-altering sacrifice or put themselves at some serious risk and they need not have done so. Most often, today, heroes are those whose actions are seen to benefit others; in the classical sense, however, heroism included a broader range of martial actions or feats of endurance that were not necessarily other-regarding.

There’s more to say, obviously, but that’s a quick first pass at a definition. It’s interesting and potentially very fruitful to debate particular heroes and definitions of heroic actions — and, obviously, I’m counting on it for the success of my book — but it’s noteworthy that Brando seems not to have offered a definition at all, despite claiming that his Twitter tirade was all due to his deep care for definitions.

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Incidentally, here are the tweets surrounding Ben Shapiro’s heroism tweet.
He’s gearing up to defend himself against allegations of homophobia with the argument that no one’s sexual orientation should matter in our society, that we shouldn’t be paying extra attention to Jason Collins just because he decided to come out, and that telling people you’re gay is just as (un)important as telling people you’re straight … which is pretty much the equivalent of shouting “I’m privileged in every single way possible” from the rooftops.
I’m guessing it’s actually challenging to pretend that you don’t understand the many pressures our society places on black men, on homosexuals, on athletes, and on homosexual black male athletes … especially when you’re as much of a straight, white, well-educated, well-off, bootstrap-self-puller-upper as Shapiro.
Needless to say, he’ll be writing a piece for some right-wing website about how he’s the victim of the Left’s intimidation and silencing tactics — the subject of a whole book he wrote (amazingly, it’s called Bullies) — soon enough.

Incidentally, here are the tweets surrounding Ben Shapiro’s heroism tweet.

He’s gearing up to defend himself against allegations of homophobia with the argument that no one’s sexual orientation should matter in our society, that we shouldn’t be paying extra attention to Jason Collins just because he decided to come out, and that telling people you’re gay is just as (un)important as telling people you’re straight … which is pretty much the equivalent of shouting “I’m privileged in every single way possible” from the rooftops.

I’m guessing it’s actually challenging to pretend that you don’t understand the many pressures our society places on black men, on homosexuals, on athletes, and on homosexual black male athletes … especially when you’re as much of a straight, white, well-educated, well-off, bootstrap-self-puller-upper as Shapiro.

Needless to say, he’ll be writing a piece for some right-wing website about how he’s the victim of the Left’s intimidation and silencing tactics — the subject of a whole book he wrote (amazingly, it’s called Bullies) — soon enough.

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Originally Posted By ccindecision

From Comedy Central’s Indecision Tumblr:

Countdown over! In the category of derpiest comment about NBA pro Jason Collins’ coming out, the winner is Breitbart.com’s Ben Shapiro:

So Jason Collins is a hero because he’s gay? Our standard for heroism has dropped quite a bit since Normandy.
— Ben Shapiro (@benshapiro)
April 29, 2013

Hmm, who DOES meet Shapiro’s awfully high Nazi-killing standard for heroism?

@adamcarolla is my hero: hotair.com/archives/2011/…
— Ben Shapiro (@benshapiro)
December 2, 2011


Fact: Newt is a hero for speaking truth on the Palestinians. We need a president who is willing to do that, despite OPEC.
— Ben Shapiro (@benshapiro)
December 11, 2011


On the phenomenal @marklevinshow tonight to discuss ‘Bullies’! Very excited. Mark’s a hero. amazon.com/Bullies-Cultur…
— Ben Shapiro (@benshapiro)
January 10, 2013

Ben Shapiro’s standard for heroism has risen quite a bit since three months ago.

By every conceivable metric, Jason Collins’ decision to become the first openly gay active athlete in a major professional sport meets the definition of a heroic action. By those same metrics — and so many others — Breitbart.com’s Ben Shapiro is a ridiculous gasbag.
There are, of course, going to be far, far worse responses to Collins. But the anticipation of those don’t make Shapiro’s comments any less foolish.

From Comedy Central’s Indecision Tumblr:

Countdown over! In the category of derpiest comment about NBA pro Jason Collins’ coming out, the winner is Breitbart.com’s Ben Shapiro:

Hmm, who DOES meet Shapiro’s awfully high Nazi-killing standard for heroism?

Ben Shapiro’s standard for heroism has risen quite a bit since three months ago.

By every conceivable metric, Jason Collins’ decision to become the first openly gay active athlete in a major professional sport meets the definition of a heroic action. By those same metrics — and so many others — Breitbart.com’s Ben Shapiro is a ridiculous gasbag.

There are, of course, going to be far, far worse responses to Collins. But the anticipation of those don’t make Shapiro’s comments any less foolish.

(via ilyagerner)

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Benefit of the Doubt

A couple of days ago, I linked to a Mother Jones piece about Virginia’s Attorney General and GOP gubernatorial candidate Ken Cuccinelli on a 4th Circuit case involving a sodomy law that the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals deemed unconstitutional.

One of my former students responded thoughtfully about the particulars of the case, which are at least somewhat elided in the Mother Jones piece and in my own post on the matter.

One might read the piece and get the sense that Cuccinelli is acting in a completely unreasonable manner, defending a law that criminalizes sodomy between consenting adults. In fact, though, the case before the Court involves a 47 year old man and a 17 year old girl.

It’s a bit more confusing than all of that, of course, but the fact remains that Cuccinelli isn’t acting unreasonably at all in seeking to preserve the convinction or registration as a sex offender of someone who has three times been convicted of engaging in or attempting to engage in sex acts with minors.

The trouble is that Cuccinelli is seeking to do it by defending a law that is unconstitutional. At issue is whether or not Virginia’s anti-sodomy law could be preserved in cases involving an adult and a minor (since, based on Lawrence v. Texas we know it cannot be preserved in cases involving consenting adults). The Court ruled that it could not because Virginia’s law makes no distinction between minors and adults; it simply issues a blanket ban on sodomy.

Cuccinelli is appealing that decision, attempting to sever and preserve improper sexual behavior with a minor from the unconstitutional blanket ban on that behavior as written in the law. I think it’s wrong-headed, but it’s not an unreasonable thing for an Attorney General to do. Nor is obviously homophobic or hypocritical or whatever else I might have intimated in my post.

I ought to have given Ken Cuccinelli the benefit of the doubt but my opinion of him, especially on this particular question, was already muddied by other things that I know about him. This long quote from a recent ThinkProgress piece by Josh Israel outlines a bit of the history:

In 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court’s Lawrence v. Texas ruling held that states may not ban private non-commercial sex between consenting adults. Virginia’s Crimes Against Nature statute, which made oral sex (even between consenting married couples) a felony, was clearly the sort of legislation the Court was referencing.

A year later, a bipartisan group in the Virginia Senate backed a bill that would have fixed the state’s Crimes Against Nature law to comply with Lawrence — eliminating provisions dealing with consenting adults in private and leaving in place provisions relating to prostitution, public sex, and those other than consenting adults. Cuccinelli opposed the bill in committee and helped kill it on the Senate floor. In 2009, he told a newspaper that he supported restrictions on the sexual behavior of consenting adults: “My view is that homosexual acts, not homosexuality, but homosexual acts are wrong. They’re intrinsically wrong. And I think in a natural law based country it’s appropriate to have policies that reflect that. … They don’t comport with natural law.” As a result, the law’s text remains unchanged a decade after the Supreme Court’s ruling.

While the state could have brought misdemeanor charges under other statutory rape laws, the prosecution instead utilized the felony provisions of the Crimes Against Nature law. Because its provisions were never updated to comply with the constitutional privacy protections, the appeals court ruling determined that the law itself is unconstitutional. Even if Cuccinelli wins, the cost in time and money to Virginia will be huge — and could have been entirely avoided had he and the Republican majority in the Virginia General Assembly not been so determined to ignore the Supreme Court.

With this knowledge of Cuccinelli’s opinions, I did less of the hard work of explaining as much of the case as I could as well as I could and instead took the easier road of simply jumping right to a conclusion that might not be supported by the particulars of this case (even if I think they are supported by the reason for the way the case has turned out).

In doing so, I surely took readers down a shorter path with fewer details and that’s not what I’m trying to do here on the blog.

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An Observation

Even though I sometimes make fun of some of my Facebook friends, bringing their comments over here to push some broader point of mine about guns or the death penalty or politics more broadly, I’m encouraged today to see all of the status updates and photos in favor of same-sex marriage. My entire Facebook feed has been filled with them all day.

And, certainly more impressive, I haven’t seen a single hateful, angry, or negative comment. I’m sure there’s plenty of it out there, but not from my Facebook friends. Whatever our differences on some matters of public policy, it’s telling that everyone I know seems to have a positive or neutral opinion when it comes to same-sex marriage.

So … now I just need to change everyone’s minds about everything else.

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Rob Portman and Personal Identification

I’ve seen a lot of criticism of Senator Rob Portman over the past twenty-four hours, from both the Right and the Left.

The former I suppose I understand, even though I think the principled position behind it doesn’t resonate with me in any way and is a terrible, terrible mistake. The criticism from the Left, however, really needs some examination.

The suggestion behind this criticism is that Portman is just one more privileged white guy who only came around on the issue of same-sex marriage because it personally affected him. But of course he is.

Many people on the Left reacted cynically to Portman’s announcement because their position is that the people should embrace same-sex marriage because it’s morally right and because all human beings are fundamentally the same, not because individuals personally know and like someone who is gay and who therefore suffers from discrimination.

But that’s not really a critique of Portman or his change of heart on the question of same-sex marriage.

As Richard Rorty argues in Truth and Progress:

To get whites to be nicer to blacks, males to females, Serbs to Muslims, or straights to gays … it is of no use whatever to say, with Kant: notice that what you have in common, your humanity, is more important than these trivial differences. For the people we are trying to convince … are offended by the suggestion that they treat people whom they do not think of as human as if they were human (178).

This sounds pretty awful, to be sure. And that’s why it might feel good to criticize Portman’s announcement that his personal experience has led to a change of heart: He should have come to this realization sooner and without needing inequality to affect him personally.

As Rorty notes, “We resent the idea that we shall have to wait for the strong to turn their piggy little eyes to the suffering of the weak, slowly open their dried-up little hearts” (182). But this, Rorty tells us, is the best we can hope for and, he argues, might achieve its end more quickly than we anticipate: “These two centuries are most easily understood…as a period…in which there occurred an astonishingly rapid progress of sentiments” (185).

How has the progress of sentiments occurred and what can we do to extend its reach? On this, it will be helpful to quote Rorty at some length, from Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity:

The right way to take the slogan ‘We have obligations to human beings simply as such’ is as a means of reminding ourselves to keep trying to expand our sense of ‘us’ as far as we can. That slogan urges us to extrapolate further in the direction set by certain events in the past – the inclusion among ‘us’ of the family in the next cave, then of the tribe across the river, then of the tribal confederation beyond the mountains, then of the unbelievers beyond the seas (and, perhaps last of all, of the menials who, all this time, have been doing our dirty work). This is a process which we should try to keep going. We should stay on the lookout for marginalized people – people who we still instinctively think of as ‘they’ rather than ‘us.’ We should try to notice our similarities with them. The right way to construe the slogan is as urging us to create a more expansive sense of solidarity than we presently have (196).

The way to accomplish this progress of sentiments, this expanding of our sense of solidarity, is by telling “the sort of long, sad, sentimental story that begins, ‘Because this is what it is like to be in her situation – to be far from home, among strangers,’ or ‘Because she might become your daughter-in-law,’ or ‘Because her mother would grieve for her’” (Truth, 185). Telling these sorts of stories, he argues, is the most practical method for increasing our sense of solidarity with those we once considered ‘others.’

In other words, the best way to convince the powerful that their way of thinking about others needs to evolve is to show them the ways in which individuals they consider to be ‘Other’ are, in fact, much more closely akin to them than they ever realized. It is, in short, to create a greater solidarity between the powerful and the weak based on personal identification.

Rob Portman’s change of heart is a good example of the way in which we ultimately achieve a progress of sentiments that leads to the equal treatment of more and more people. Viewed in this way, it’s really not something people on the Left ought to be criticizing; it’s something we should be working to encourage for those without the sort of immediate personal connection that Portman fortunately had.

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